giovedì 25 marzo 2010

WHO WROTE SHAKESPEARE?

DA TIMES ONLINE
Contested Will: Who Wrote Shakespeare? by James ShapiroThe Sunday Times review by John Carey

James Shapiro’s prize-winning book 1599 was a work of micro-history. It showed how the plays Shakespeare wrote that year reflected current political tensions, and how, as a working dramatist, he had to cope with day-to-day pressures, from quarrels among his fellow actors to struggles with the first draft of Hamlet. This new book seems wildly different, but, like 1599, it is a search for historical causes. It tells the story of the generations of sceptics who have denied, over the years, that Shakespeare wrote the plays that bear his name. Shapiro is clear that they are wrong, but he wants to know why they started going wrong when they did.

To answer that question he identifies a historic change in the way people thought about art and literature. For two centuries after Shakespeare’s death, he points out, nobody doubted that Shakespeare wrote Shakespeare. Doubts started because a powerful new idea took hold in the early 19th century, which was that artworks are expressions of their creator’s inner self, and should be interpreted as spiritual autobiography. This change was part of the tectonic shift that we call Romanticism, and it affected Shakespeare because the few surviving documents relating to his life in Stratford did not suggest he was a spiritual sort of person at all. They showed that part of his income came from moneylending, and that he took neighbours to court when they failed to pay their debts. Could the lofty poet and the hard-nosed businessman be one and the same?

Nowadays we easily accept that possibility, because innumerable biographies of writers and artists have cured us of expecting their lives to match their ideals. But the Romantic age was less cynical. Besides, as Shapiro notes, doubts about authorship were in the air. A German scholar had put paid to the notion that a bard called Homer wrote the Homeric epics. Another German scholar had demonstrated that the biblical gospels were second-hand and anecdotal, not eyewitness accounts of Jesus’s life. In this atmosphere it was only a matter of time before someone suggested the man from Stratford and the playwright were different people.

An American woman, Delia Bacon, lit the fuse. Born in a frontier log cabin in 1811, she was the daughter of a visionary Congregationalist minister and became a schoolteacher and lecturer. Her studies convinced her that Shakespeare could not possibly have written the plays attributed to him, since he was a “stupid, illiterate, third-rate play-actor”, whereas the plays manifested “the last refinements of the highest Parisian breeding”. Why she chose Francis Bacon, the Elizabethan statesman and prophet of the scientific revolution, as the real author is a mystery. Nothing in his acknowledged works suggests that he could or would have written plays and poems, and Delia did not, it seems, select him because she believed he was her ancestor, as some have alleged. Her key insight was that Bacon was secretly an ardent republican who hated the despotism of Elizabeth and James I. Obviously it would have been dangerous for him to express these views openly, so instead he wrote Shakespeare’s plays, which are, properly understood, republican manifestos.

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Delia died in a lunatic asylum in 1859, two years after publishing these findings. But numerous disciples took up the Baconian cause, generating a vast agglomeration of books and articles. Francis Bacon’s known interest in ciphers encouraged research into cryptograms in the plays, and this yielded rich results. Orville Ward Owen, a Detroit doctor, built a decoding machine incorporating a 1,000ft-long canvas belt on which the pages of all Bacon’s works were pasted. When the drums of the machine revolved, they revealed that Bacon was not merely the author of Shakespeare’s plays, but the illegitimate son of Queen Elizabeth and the Earl of Leicester, and the rightful heir to the English throne. The tragedy of Hamlet expressed his annoyance at being debarred from his birthright. Owen’s machine also told him the manuscripts of Shakespeare’s plays, in Bacon’s handwriting, would be found in waterproof lead containers in the river Severn.

The zeal of the American Baconians, and Owen’s unsuccessful dredging of the Severn, attracted some ridicule, and several new claimants entered the field, including Christopher Marlowe and the Earls of Rutland and Derby. Mercifully Shapiro skates over these, concentrating on the most popular alternative Shakespeare, Edward de Vere, the 17th Earl of Oxford. As with Bacon, there was no evidence of any kind to connect him with Shakespeare’s plays, and as he had died in 1604, before many of the plays were written, establishing his authorship presented problems. However, his proponents argued that he knew about falconry, foreign travel and other aristocratic pursuits touched on in the plays, which a Stratford yokel would have been ignorant of. He also had three daughters, like King Lear, and his wife was the same age at marriage as Juliet when she married Romeo. These proofs were first advanced by the unfortunately named JT Looney, a South Shields schoolmaster, who launched Oxford’s claim in a book published in 1920.

Looney’s reading of the plays was exactly the opposite of Bacon’s. For her they were republican, but for Looney they championed despotic feudalism, as he did himself. He made many converts, including Sigmund Freud, who, on learning that Oxford’s mother had remarried after his father’s death, confidently identified him as the author of Hamlet and a gratifyingly exact illustration of the Oedipus complex. The Shakespeare Fellowship, founded in 1922, devoted itself to promoting Oxford’s case, and its members were soon making discoveries. Oxford, they were able to announce, had written not only Shakespeare’s plays, but also the works of Marlowe, Kyd and Edmund Spenser. He had been Queen Elizabeth’s lover, and their union had produced the Earl of Southampton, the Earl of Essex, Mary Sidney and Robert Cecil. Some Oxonians held that Oxford was Elizabeth’s son as well as her lover. She had given birth to him after an affair with Thomas Seymour when she was 14. In 1946, anxious to get at the truth, Percy Allen, president of the Shakespeare Fellowship, contacted a medium and was able to hold lengthy consultations with the spirits of Shakespeare, Bacon and Oxford. They confirmed ­everything the Oxonians believed.

Recruitment to the Oxonian cause dwindled during the 20th century, but, Shapiro reports, it has undergone a miraculous recovery in recent years. Oxonians are at large and vociferous once more. They hold international conferences, their views are published in The New York Times, and prominent figures of the British stage, including Sir Derek Jacobi and Mark Rylance, have signed an Oxonian declaration questioning Shakespeare’s identity. Shapiro plausibly attributes these developments to the growing attraction of conspiracy theories. The Baconian and Oxonian allegations, if true, would have entailed a huge cover-up, and modern willingness to believe that it really happened is cognate with the belief that Princess Di was murdered or that the moon landings were fake. They all stem from the conviction that ­governments are corrupt and secretive and that we are kept from the truth. Conspiracy theorists are prone to resist rational argument, regarding it as a tool of the authority that they distrust. So Shapiro’s book is unlikely to cut much ice with Oxonians. All the same, it deserves to. It is authoritative, lucid and devastatingly funny, and its brief concluding statement of the case for Shakespeare is masterly.

Contested Will: Who Wrote Shakespeare? by James Shapiro
Faber £20 pp360

mercoledì 24 marzo 2010

QUAND UNE PHRASE ENGAGE UNE VIE

Quand une phrase engage une vie, par Pierre Assouline
DA LE MONDE DES LIVRES



On dit qu'un livre peut changer une vie. Parfois, on va jusqu'à le prétendre d'une page. Mais une phrase ? On hésite, à tort. Voyez le leitmotiv de Bartleby le scribe. Cela fait un bon siècle que les sectateurs français de cette nouvelle, fidèles du cercle de ses lecteurs jamais disparus, disputent de la meilleure manière de rendre dans notre langue la fameuse réplique par laquelle Bartleby ne cesse de refuser son consentement à la marche du monde : "I would prefer not to".


Pourtant, a priori, cela paraît simple. Ce serait méconnaître la pathétique complexité de l'anti-héros comique et mélancolique, résistant passif tout traversé de passions tristes, inventé par Herman Melville (1819-1891). D'autant que l'on aurait logiquement attendu un "I'd rather not" si l'auteur n'avait voulu, par la préférence négative, bien marquer la fin de non-recevoir un brin hautaine à toute proposition d'activité.

Philippe Jaworski, éditeur et traducteur du quatrième et dernier volume de son oeuvre romanesque qui vient de paraître dans la "Pléiade", y revient en détail, bien conscient que négliger un tel débat, aussi fondamental qu'interminable, lui eût valu des ennuis auprès de la secte. "Je ne préférerais pas" : ainsi traduit-il la devise, refrain et ritournelle de celui qui refuse d'accomplir tout travail, se fait un rempart de sa non-action catégorique et installe son oisiveté dans un coin de l'étude de son employeur, l'avoué qui n'en peut mais.

Imagine-t-on un instant le nombre de lecteurs qui en ont fait leur emblème et une philosophie pour la vie, à commencer par l'écrivain espagnol Enrique Vila-Matas ? Non sans l'adapter au passage au risque de susciter une nouvelle bataille d'Hern@ni dans la blogosphère, à la suite de Gilles Deleuze et de Maurice Blanchot qui s'en mêlèrent autrefois. "Je préférerais ne pas" garde ses partisans de même que "J'aimerais mieux pas".

Au fond, tout dépend comme on l'entend. Dans leur majorité, les auditeurs de Daniel Pennac l'entendent pour la première fois. Ceux qui, depuis près d'un an, se pressent à travers la France à sa lecture-spectacle de la nouvelle, y vont davantage pour lui que pour Bartleby, qu'ils ne connaissaient pas. Le romancier a découvert le texte dans la traduction "avec négation" de Pierre Leyris qui domine depuis les années 1950 ; mais lorsqu'il en a lu la version révisée plus tard "sans négation", il l'a adoptée : "Je ne préférerais pas"... La négation arrive après la préférence, moyennant quoi Bartleby rend cinglé son entourage. "Ce n'est pas que cela sonne mieux mais c'est plus proche de l'original", remarque-t-il en rappelant qu'"au fur et à mesure, le verbe varie du conditionnel à l'indicatif". Au début, les spectateurs rient ; puis ils s'aperçoivent que c'est une monade close sur elle-même et ne rient plus ; alors l'anxiété les gagne jusqu'à les faire compatir au désespoir de l'avoué. "Vous l'entendrez samedi prochain à Bures-sur-Yvette, à moins que vous préfériez ne pas."

UN MONDE RÉAPPARAÎT

Le grain de la voix, un geste de la main, une seule phrase et un monde réapparaît. A l'invitation des éditions Robert Laffont, une lecture d'extraits de Mon témoignage devant le monde, Mémoires du résistant Jan Karski introuvables en français depuis des années, fut donnée la semaine dernière à Paris sous les lambris de l'ambassade de Pologne. Naturellement conviés, les écrivains Yannick Haenel et Claude Lanzmann, protagonistes du feuilleton Karski de l'hiver, avaient accepté d'honorer la célébration ; finalement, ni l'un ni l'autre n'en furent après que l'un eût vérifié que l'autre en serait. Ce qui est pour eux regrettable, car leur héros se trouvait là, grâce à Andrzej Seweryn.

Entre deux représentations, le plus polonais des comédiens-français avait juste trouvé le temps d'honorer la mémoire de son glorieux compatriote. Querelles et polémiques soudainement mises à distance par la seule gravité de son timbre, il lut deux passages, l'un sur les conditions de vie dans le ghetto, l'autre sur la fameuse rencontre avec le président Roosevelt. Il termina sur une phrase qu'il solennisa en retirant ses lunettes afin de fixer son auditoire, ce qui eut aussitôt pour effet de lui accorder une vibration particulière. Quelques mots gravés au bas de la statue érigée près de la Maison Blanche à la mémoire du grand patriote polonais : "Et la liberté gémit lorsque Kosciuszko tomba". Grâce à cette voix si vivante qui s'était faite un court instant messagère d'une voix défunte, on comprit alors, mieux qu'en la lisant, comment une phrase peut engager une vie.

Pierre Assouline

'You don't have to die before you're dead'

DA THE INDEPENDENT

'You don't have to die before you're dead'

Acclaimed historian Tony Judt continues to produce books in spite of suffering from a condition that has left him paralysed from the neck down. He talks to Stephen Foley

Tony Judt is coming at us in stereo. The master of European history is booming through the threatening crackles of a speaker in one corner of his sunny study on New York's Washington Square – which is disconcerting, because he is also right here in the room.


Judt's voice is phlegmy and breathy, but still strong. He uses the microphone – attached to the blanket that covers the useless two-thirds of him – so that he doesn't have to strain. He is maintaining his voice. He must maintain his voice. It is a tool he has wielded to devastating effect critiquing the European left, and he is wielding it once again to chide a generation of "pygmy politicians" and to beg for a revival of social democracy. The disease that has paralysed him from the neck down has not silenced his voice, and Tony Judt is coming at us with all his rhetorical guns blazing.

"We have responsibilities for others," he says, "not just across space but across time. We have responsibilities to people who came before us. They left us a world of institutions, ideas or possibilities for which we, in turn, owe them something. One of the things we owe them is not to squander them."

It is barely 18 months since Judt was diagnosed with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, or Lou Gehrig's disease, a condition which comes without pain or any loss of sensation, but which renders sufferers progressively less able to control their limbs, and makes it hard to breathe without the aid of an air pump to assist the diaphragm.

"I just thought they were using lousy cheap corks these days," he says, remembering that the first sign of something wrong was that he found it harder to open wine bottles. "I think subliminally I knew what I had even before I knew it. I was throwing a baseball around with my kids and remember thinking, godammit, I throw this ball as hard as I ever used to and it only goes half the distance. And then I remembered a documentary about the baseball player Lou Gehrig; a journalist watched him train in 1939. He was throwing the ball with his usual power and the ball was hardly travelling at all. And I thought, Jesus Christ, do I have some muscular problem similar to Lou Gehrig?"

As we talk, Judt repeatedly seeks help from his nurse or from his writing assistant, Eugene Rusyn. Sometimes his wheelchair must be adjusted so he is more upright, sometimes a pillow helps, sometimes not. Life is not comfortable. The microphone is clearly an additional irritation, the scratching and crackling requiring its constant adjustment, too. And this is just the daytime. In a piece in the New York Review of Books that generated a flood of thank-yous from those affected by the disease, he gave a raw description of the agonies of night – the cumulatively intolerable itches unscratched, lying "trussed, myopic, and motionless like a modern-day mummy". The piece spawned a series, and a collection of memoirs is next in line for publication.

"That's it for writing," Judt says he had concluded, as he went from still being able to drive in October 2008 to needing help even getting in a car by the end of November. But he had not figured on the importance of his voice, with which he dictates his work these days, in long, lucid sentences in a British accent that he has never been Americanised, despite almost three decades away. "What you lose is autonomy, what you gain is – well, I wouldn't say you gain anything, but you get a sense of what you can do with your head alone.

"There's nothing saccharine about this, it's a crappy disease. It imprisons you, it turns you into a bundle of jelly, it's going to kill you sooner or later, and in a very unpleasant way, because it almost certainly strangulates you or chokes you. So there's nothing good, ok? Having said that, I get satisfaction out of understanding what I'm going through, which I can only achieve by describing it with an almost externalised dispassion. It makes me feel like I'm not dead yet. I also think that it helps my family feel that I've got some control over my situation. I've got young kids so I think that's good – but no, I've nothing uplifting to offer. Except that you don't have to die before you're dead."

Judt has been following the case of Ray Gosling, the BBC presenter who admitted suffocating a terminally ill partner, and has examined the legal lines as apparently dispassionately as he has viewed the rest of his condition. "Obviously I can't ask Eugene just to come along and pull the plug out, because he would be in legal trouble. The agreement I currently have with my wife is that if I could not speak and had to be put on a tube which meant I would never be able to speak, then I would rather not be put on that tube. I don't want to be the passively alert vegetable in the corner that takes in everything but can't communicate, which I think would suck a lot of life out of my family without giving very much to me.

"But no one can predict how they will feel. I might prefer to sit in the armchair and watch my kids grow up even though all I could do is wink and nod. If someone said five years ago, how would you feel about living in a wheelchair with a piece of Tupperware on your face, I would have said no way. But in fact it's perfectly do-able."

It is just a matter, he says, of being "bashed into shape" in the morning – having his throat cleared, being washed and fed – before setting out to write. And at 62, with his 2005 opus Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 having catapulted him to a level among the most respected academics of his generation, he is determined to use his voice more ferociously than ever.

Ill Fares the Land, dictated in eight weeks flat to Rusyn, is a call to reclaim the lost language of government action on behalf of a collective good, and revitalise the institutions of the welfare state. It is not, one need only read the title to tell, an optimistic book. The reader leaves with the feeling that this could go either way.

From continental Europe, through the UK, where he grew up in the East End of London, to the US, where he has been a professor at New York University since 1995 – Judt paints a bleak picture of the landscape he surveys.

He also offers the prospect of a profoundly depressing and "disembodied" election in the UK. When Britain goes to the polls, according to Judt, the country faces a choice between a hollowed-out social democratic party and a Conservative party that highlights the "broken society" but can't admit that it was the legacy of Thatcherism that broke it. "Neither side can directly speak to the depths of the problems they claim they would fix. Both are fraudulent."

It was Judt's own Sixties generation that put individual self-expression above collective action, undermining on the Left the justification for activist government. That opened space for Thatcherism and the "corrupted, half-evacuated political culture" that followed. With anger building about the inequalities that this has spawned, and unless the left can revive a faith in social democracy, the spectre of authoritarianism looms.

In this telling, politicians have been "pygmies"; pusillanimous and unable to speak up for moral action – a tragedy in which Judt reserves a special role for Gordon Brown. "Blair grew into pygmyhood. Brown has shrunk into it," he says.

"My father saw Brown in the Labour Party mould of the Twenties and Thirties out of which Attlee and Bevin came, the moral Celtic fringe, slightly austere, focused on the responsibilities of the political class towards society at large.

"You would expect a man who has grown up in the Presbyterian tradition of stark Scottish politics to hate the City of London on ethical, moral and prudential grounds. Instead you have a diabolical pact to combine the rhetoric of social justice with an economy we don't understand but whose primacy we have simply decided to accept as though it was a truth that we could do nothing about.

"Blair famously liked rich people, Brown simply thinks that you have to work with the rich if you wish to govern Britain today. It is a failure of moral will, and Brown is therefore the saddest of all these figures. Mandelson is contemptible and Blair is miserable, but Brown is a sad figure, because he's a reminder of what we've lost."


Ill Fares The Land: A Treatise on Our Present Discontents is published by Allen Lane (£20). To order a copy for the special price of £18 (free P&P) call Independent Books Direct on 08430 600 030, or visit Independentbooksdirect.co.uk

THE LAST SUPPER, THE LAST MEAL

From The Times
Artists reflect the course of obesity with expanding portions in the Last Supper

Jesus Christ and Ronald McDonald may seem to have little in common. But both are presiding over the supersizing of their followers’ eating habits, according to researchers who found that the portion sizes in paintings of the Last Supper have piled up over the past 1,000 years.

American academics analysed 52 of the most famous depictions of the Last Supper and found that the appetites of the Apostles have become increasingly prodigious. The size of the main dish grew 69.2 per cent and bread portions by 23.1 per cent over the millennium, while the plates grew by 65.6 per cent, they found.

The findings suggest that today’s obesity crisis may have deep historical roots, according to the researchers. “I think people assume that increased serving sizes, or ‘portion distortion’, is a recent phenomenon,” said Brian Wansink, director of the Food and Brand Lab at Cornell University, New York, who led the study. “But this research indicates that it’s a general trend for at least the last millennium.”

From the austere repast laid on by the early 14th-century Tuscan artist Duccio, through Leonardo’s lively party of 1495, the supper became a feast in Titian’s depiction of 1544. When Tintoretto painted the Last Supper in 1592-94 the table was groaning with dishes.

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Professor Wansink, with his brother Craig, a Presbyterian minister and Professor of Religious Studies at Virginia Wesleyan College, examined dozens of artworks including modern depictions by Stanley Spencer and Salvador Dalí.

Using computer design software, they scanned the meals and calculated the portion size relative to the head size of the average apostle. They found a big upwards trend, in research published in the International Journal of Obesity.

The Bible, being more concerned with its religious import, does not dwell on the amount of food consumed at the Last Supper, and it was a “tertiary matter” for most artists, Professor Wansink said. “The ampleness of the food is coming from the mind of the artist, showing what he thought was reasonable and appropriate in the time and place he was living,” he told The Times.

Professor Wansink, whose book Mindless Eating studies how social and environmental forces affect how much we eat, argues that the increasingly meaty Christianity on display is an indication of improvements in agriculture.

“The last thousand years have witnessed dramatic increases in the production, availability, safety, abundance and affordability of food,” he said. “We think that as art imitates life, these changes have been reflected in paintings of history’s most famous dinner.”

The New Testament mentions only bread and wine, but Professor Wansink discovered that fish was the most commonly depicted main course, featuring in 18 per cent of canvases. Considering the symbolism of the fish and Jesus’s injunction to his disciples to become “fishers of men”, this is perhaps unsurprising. Lamb was the main course in 14 per cent of the pictures and, more puzzling for a gathering of Jews on the eve of Passover, 7 per cent of the paintings featured pork.

Jeff Brunstrom, Reader in Behavioural Nutrition at the University of Bristol, described the research as “very interesting”. But he said: “The obesity epidemic is a relatively modern phenomenon and it’s really only in the past 40 to 50 years that you’ve seen big changes in body mass index (BMI).”

The researchers needed to show whether the larger portions had been making people fatter, he said. “If people were really eating 70 per cent more calories than they used to we would be rolling around,” said Dr Brunstrom. “Whether we have seen an increase in BMI historically is unclear.”

That will have to remain among the divine mysteries: the Wansink brothers did not assess whether Christ and his disciples themselves were getting bigger.

mercoledì 17 marzo 2010

FAMILY TRICKS

FROM TLS
Max Hastings and his enthusiasm for bangs

His memoir is both a ceasefire and a reminder that families are rarely safe places for children to be


Frances Wilson

Max Hastings really did shoot the television, but it was an accident waiting to happen. The Hastingses, who had a collective "enthusiasm for bangs", were the kind of family to store their rifles in the umbrella stand, and young Max was playing with a pistol during an episode of Perry Mason. His father would fondle his eighteenth-century duelling guns as other men did their mistresses, and by the time he was ten, Max too had imbibed the beauty of the barrel. "Please please when I come out", the future war reporter and military historian wrote from school, "can Daddy get lots of lovely .22 ammunition?"

This is a book about Hastings’s parents, the journalist and gardening writer Anne Scott-James and the broadcaster Macdonald – "Mac" – Hastings. It is subtitled a "family fable" because there is a moral attached, and because Mac was a fabulist. One of his most cherished notions was that the Hastingses, who came from Pooterish stock in South London, were descendants of "the authentic Macdonalds of Glencoe" (on trips to the Highlands, Mac’s eyes would accordingly fill with tears), and the rightful heirs to an earldom. Hastings describes his father, whom he adored, as modelling himself on figures from John Buchan or H. Rider Haggard, but in his delusions of grandeur, his idealism and his pursuit of adventure, Mac was closer to Don Quixote.

Before he became well known in the late 1950s for his Tonight reports on rural Britain, Mac was the "Special Investigator" for the boy’s magazine Eagle, a job which required him to write up his heroic experiences as a cowboy or a living firework. When, in 1960, the Hastings marriage itself became explosive, Mac refreshed himself not with a walking tour of the Lake District, but by decamping to a desert island in the Indian Ocean, equipped with nothing but a dog, a gun and a hunting knife.

Anne Scott-James, who had a lip-curling disdain for Mac’s perceived amateurism and whimsy, shared with her husband only his love of writing and lack of self-knowledge. Imagining herself a shy creature of the forest, she was seen by everyone else as a Titan of terrifying efficiency. A photograph taken when she was Women’s Editor of Picture Post shows a six-foot beauty in a man’s suit, sitting astride a bar stool with a cigarette and a glass of ale. It was Anne’s income from her years as a Fleet Street columnist that kept the family from shipwreck, and Hastings, who was raised by his nanny, waited until Anne’s death to publish this book. Mummy never, he says, "appreciated my jokes".

Hastings describes his youthful self as a "hobbledehoy – awkward, selfish and charmlessly assertive", and apologizes here to anyone who had to suffer his company, or worst of all, sleep with him. That he "lacked the gift for getting along with people", as Anne put it, was evident from an early age. When, aged five, he was taken for an interview at a pre-prep school the headmaster’s wife noted, "without admiration", that she had "never seen such a self-possessed child". His prep school headmaster observed that "his contemporaries do not like him, and they are not bad judges of character". When Winchester asked whether Hastings was the sort of boy they would wish to have, "we were obliged to tell them that you are not". So Max slouched off to Charterhouse instead, where he later noted that "boys who achieve office in their school days often sink without trace thereafter, ending up as secretaries of suburban golf clubs". He dropped out of Oxford ("nobody seemed to appreciate me and I gave them no reason for doing so"), and was saved from delinquency by a job on the Evening Standard, where he eventually became Editor.

Because they were a family "which wrote things down" in an endless flow of letters, journals, articles and books, Hastings is able to give us many examples of Anne’s sharp and steely voice and Mac’s intimate, eager lyricism. Both were great dispensers of, usually conflicting, advice. In a touching letter written to his newborn son, Mac welcomes him into a "distinguished and brilliant family" with literary genius on both sides, but warns him that nobody likes "boasters". When Hastings’s early days as a journalist were dogged by the success of his parents, Anne remarks tartly, "the way you talk we might be the Churchills". "I must give you a little paternal advice", Mac tells him in 1968; avoid clichés and remove your sunglasses when you are on television. He also advised his son to marry a girl with fat legs, because they are better in bed.

This is a surprisingly peaceful book for a man who likes battle as much as Max Hastings. He was at war with his mother for most of his life, but his narrative is shot through with regret: that he failed to appreciate the pressures Anne experienced as a mother and a career woman in the 1950s, that he blamed her for the breakdown of her marriage to Mac, that he wasn’t kinder to her new husband, Osbert Lancaster, with whom she found real happiness. Elegiac, reflective and very funny, Did You Really Shoot the Television? is both a ceasefire and a reminder that families are rarely safe places for children to be.

Max Hastings
DID YOU REALLY SHOOT THE TELEVISION?
A family fable
278pp. Harper Press. £20.
978 0 00 727171 9

Frances Wilson’s most recent book is The Ballad of Dorothy Wordsworth, 2008. Her other books include Literary Seductions: Compulsive writers and diverted readers, 1999, and The Courtesan’s Revenge, which appeared in 2004.

A LADY CALLED SYLVIA BEACH

FROM TLS
Sylvia Beach, the midwife of Modernism
From the Red Cross to the rue de l’Odéon: how the smallest of small publishers produced the biggest of big books
Sylvia Beach was a midwife of Modernism, and she adored her blue-eyed boys. F. Scott Fitzgerald she liked “very much, as who didn’t? With his blue eyes . . . he streaked across the rue de l’Odéon, dazzling us for a moment”. Paul Valéry gave his daughter “beautiful blue eyes, like his own”. Beach grafted blue eyes, with matching shirt, on to Ezra Pound in an article she published in Mercure de France, “but he wrote to me immediately to say that he never had blue eyes at all”. There was no doubt about James Joyce, however. His eyes were “a deep blue, with the light of genius in them . . . extremely beautiful”.

The genius visited Shakespeare and Company in Saint-Germain-des-Prés for the first time in the summer of 1920. “Joyce came walking up my street”, Beach wrote in the charming and whimsical memoir she named after her creation. “He stepped into my bookshop . . . he inspected my two photographs of Oscar Wilde. Then he sat down beside my table.” On being introduced at a dinner party the day before Joyce’s arrival at the bookshop, the pair shook hands: “That is, he put his limp, boneless hand in my tough little paw” – where she intended it to stay.

The Letters of Sylvia Beach relates the stories of Shakespeare and Company (1959) in rough-draft form, often with the same affectionate humour and self-effacement. Beach had originally thought of situating the business in London, but a visit there in 1919 “was enough to show me that London was not the town to start my shop in”. Her mother – invariably addressed as “Dearest Little Mother” – who was to finance the project, had proposed Greenwich Village as a likely place, tempting us to wonder how the history of Modernism would have looked if Beach had been an obedient daughter. By this time, however, newly discharged from war duty in Serbia, she had met Adrienne Monnier, proprietor of La Maison des Amis des Livres in rue de l’Odéon. “Monnier herself”, she told her mother, “the Pope-to-be-ere-long-throughout France in that Branch of art”, meaning bookselling.

Beach conceived the idea of a companion establishment, catering to British and American readers, as well as French and other seekers after English books. Dearest Little Mother sent “all her savings” – $3,000 – and on November 19, 1919, Shakespeare and Company opened its doors for the first time. In the window were the works of “our Patron” – Shakespeare – of T. S. Eliot, and a copy of Monnier’s favourite English novel, Three Men in a Boat. Beach not only sold books but lent them out via her subscription library, which attracted young writers to the shop. Among her favourites was Ernest Hemingway, who invited Beach to a boxing tournament where the bloody noses shocked and thrilled her. He elected himself her “best customer”, and she was pleased to agree; one who was “not only a regular visitor, but spent money on books, a trait very pleasing to the proprietor of a small book business”.

The original shop was at No 8 rue Dupuytren, not far from rue de l’Odéon, but in 1921 Beach found premises opposite Monnier’s, and the scenery was in place for the drama of Ulysses, with cameo appearances by Hemingway, Pound (“I saw Mr Pound seldom”), Valery Larbaud, André Gide and others. The friendship between the neighbouring booksellers developed into deep and lasting companionship, but Beach might have been surprised to read the claim by Columbia University Press that The Letters of Sylvia Beach “reveals . . . her long love affair with the French bookstore owner Adrienne Monnier”. It doesn’t. There is no indication in the letters that Beach or Monnier is involved in any love affair, with one another or with outside parties. The editor Keri Walsh says that their relationship “would grow into a lifelong mutual devotion, one rooted in a shared commitment to writing, reading, and serving the artistic community”, for which there is abundant evidence. “Everybody assumed that they were lovers”, Brenda Maddox wrote in Nora (1989), her biography of Joyce’s wife, and perhaps they were. Monnier had “blue-grey” eyes, after all, which “reminded me of William Blake’s”. But don’t look for revelations here.

Nancy Woodbridge Beach, called Sylvia by her father Sylvester, a minister, and her mother Eleanor, the daughter of a missionary, was born in Baltimore in 1887. When she was fifteen, Reverend Beach was appointed assistant minister at the American Church in Paris, and the Beaches moved to France for three years. Family friends included the future US President Woodrow Wilson, of whom Beach writes warmly in her letters. Her younger sister Cyprian appeared in silent films and later lived with a somewhat better-known actress, Helen Jerome Eddy. “How successful you’re being in films!”, Beach congratulated her sister in 1917. Four years later she informed their elder sibling Holly that “Cyprian did some film in [Paris] the other day and there were crowds of star-gazers”.

While Cyprian cultivated stardom, Sylvia and Holly were active with the Red Cross in Belgrade. “The r.c. has made a regular feminist of me”, she told her mother in 1919:

It’s seeing men doing all the managing and helping themselves to all the pleasant things that come along – the women are subjected to humiliations that American women are not at all accustomed to . . . . A mere nothing of a man is a Lt, but the women at the head of their departments rank as nothing whatsoever.

Wondering how best to dispense her literary enthusiasm when the war ended, she studied French poetry. In 1950, her translation of Henri Michaux’s poem Un Barbare en Asie was published by New Directions as A Barbarian in Asia and won the Denyse Clairouin Memorial Award. Beach welcomed it, while characteristically informing the administrators: “I am well aware of the shortcomings of my translation”.

We learn from Beach’s letter to George Macy that the honour brought with it some “generous Prize money” – but how much? Who was Denyse Clairouin? Who was George Macy, and what are the George Macy Companies, which sponsored the award? Keri Walsh, an assistant professor at Claremont McKenna College, CA, does not think it worthwhile telling us, though on the same page she offers the information that the “F. M. Ford” mentioned in a letter to Pound is “Ford Madox Ford”. (Denyse Clairouin, French translator of D. H. Lawrence, Graham Greene and others, died in a concentration camp in 1945. George Macy was the founder of the Limited Editions Club, publisher of fine illustrated books.) Likewise, it would have interested readers to learn something about Cyprian Beach’s screen career, beyond the information that she “played ‘Belles Mirettes’ in the French silent film series Judex”. A reference to George Bernard Shaw’s famous letter to Beach, setting out his reasons for not subscribing to Ulysses, is footnoted “see Fitch, Sylvia Beach and the Lost Generation, 104–105”. For those who don’t have a copy of Fitch to hand – or, for that matter, Shakespeare and Company, where the letter is helpfully reproduced – the relevant information is as follows: Shaw told Beach that, having read parts of Ulysses in serial form, he found it “a revolting record of a disgusting phase of civilization”; but, he added, “it is a truthful one”. Readers are expected to work out for themselves that between the letter of August 27, 1919, to Dearest Little Mother and that which follows it in this volume, of May 5, 1920, to Gertrude Stein, Beach’s bookshop opened for business. The information is contained in the idiosyncratic chronology – “1921. Shakespeare and Company relocates to 12 rue de l’Odéon . . . . The Harlem Renaissance begins in the United States” – but Walsh neglects the duty of conveying readers smoothly from one bumpy patch in an eventful life to the next, with as little head-scratching – or dashes to the library to consult Fitch – as possible.

“Already the publicity is beginning, and swarms of people visit the shop on hearing the news”, Beach wrote to her sister Holly on April 23, 1921. The news was Ulysses, which at that stage existed only in Maurice Darantière’s printer’s shop in Dijon. “All American & Eng subscriptions are to be sent to me and if all goes well I hope to make some money out of it.” She became fully occupied with coping with demand, at the same time as arranging for the last chapters to be typeset and for Joyce to receive his latest proofs. Unfortunately, there are no letters to or from Darantière in The Letters of Sylvia Beach, though it would be a surprise to learn that none existed. A more conspicuous absence is the lack of any letters to Joyce concerning the production of Ulysses. Walsh explains that the 108 letters Beach wrote to Joyce, “which form part of the Jahnke Bequest at the Zurich International James Joyce Foundation . . . are closed to scholars indefinitely”, which to the innocent ear sounds like an outrage. The earliest letter to Joyce here is an incomplete one, dated July 16, 1924; the next is May 15, 1929 and concerns “the volume with the long, long title”, Our Exagmination Round His Factification for Incamination of Work in Progress, a collection of essays on “Joyce’s experiment”, Finnegans Wake, by Samuel Beckett, Eugène Jolas, Robert McCalmon and others. “Dear Mr Joyce”, Beach wrote, “This is the proof of the ad in Transition. What do you think of one in the New Statesman as well as Times Lit Supplement?” (An advertisement duly appeared in the TLS of May 30, 1929.) By this time, Beach was devoting a large portion of her energy to catering to Joyce’s ever-increasing demands, caused partly by his failing eyesight, while attempting to fight off bowdlerizers and pirates taking over her delicate craft. Beach was editor, publisher, distributor and seller: wholesale, retail, mail order. The most intimidating pirate was Samuel Roth, who included abridged chapters of Ulysses in his journal Two Worlds Monthly, then issued an unauthorized edition of the entire novel in the United States in 1929. It bore the false imprint of Shakespeare and Company, and is now advertised by second-hand book dealers as “the true First American Edition (unauthorized)”, fetching up to $16,000. The authorized Random House edition (1934) had to wait for Judge John M. Woolsey to overturn the decision of an earlier court that Ulysses was obscene. Again, there is next to nothing about this in The Letters of Sylvia Beach, only a complaint to her sister Holly, made in 1926:

The reason I haven’t written is that there’s this awful pirating of Ulysses business that takes all my time. Douglas sent me a clipping of the Roth interview in the NY Evening Post and we had to take action at once. The enclosed will tell you all about it.

The “enclosed” and the action must remain mysteries to readers of The Letters. The Douglas who kindly sent the clipping may have been her cousin Douglas Orbison, or else Norman Douglas, who hoped that Beach’s improbable renown as the publisher of an unprintable book would encourage her to champion other casualties of censorship and suppression:

Oh dear! What does Mr [Norman] Douglas take me for . . . ? a rich amateur no doubt.

Oh dear oh dear oh dear! I haven’t the slightest desire to have those de luxe copies made for Shakespeare and Company nor to pay forty pounds or anything although I like his book and D. H. Lawrence deserves to be held up as an example.

The book was Lady Chatterley’s Lover, which Douglas helped to have printed in Italy in 1928, after Beach’s refusal. “It’s all preaching, preaching”, she later told the Guardian journalist Peter Lennon about Lawrence’s novel. “It’s nobody’s duty to go in for sex if he doesn’t want to, is it?”

Walsh writes in her introduction that Beach enjoyed refusing “hot books”, which she would pass along to the Obelisk Press, run by the Mancunian Jack Kahane, though this is to compress the chronology, as Kahane did not begin publishing until 1929. He was keen to take over Ulysses but had to be content with a portion of Finnegans Wake – Haveth Childers Everywhere (1930) – and a de luxe edition of Pomes Penyeach with illuminated capitals designed by Lucia Joyce (1932). Originally published by Shakespeare and Company in 1927, Pomes Penyeach is one of only three titles to emerge from Beach’s press, the other being “the volume with the long, long title”, what she called “Our Exag”.

Beach’s faux-naif humour, familiar to readers of her memoir, is genially displayed all through the letters. Pound had made a recent visit to Paris, she wrote to Hemingway in 1931, “and an Italian tried to stick a stiletto into him during a soirée given in his honor at the Brasserie de l’Odéon. I think people should control themselves better”. By then her business, like many others, was suffering from “le Krach americain”. Joyce had become an insupportable burden, and, it seemed to her, an ungrateful one. Only the survival of his offspring concerned the Irishman, not the welfare of the midwife. A fairly stiff communication of November 10, 1931, returned to Joyce “herewith Mr Pinker’s letter of the 6th”. The literary agent Pinker was one of several intermediaries who were colluding to prise the rights to Ulysses out of Beach’s tough little paw. “As regards ‘Pomes Penyeach’”, she wrote, I took out the American copyright of the book this summer and I do not consider its publication in a volume with Chamber Music at all opportune at the present moment. The 5,000 copies of my 1927 edition being now exhausted, I am arranging about a second edition.

Three months later, in February 1932, she told another of Joyce’s advisers, Paul Léon, that she had “made a present to Mr Joyce” of her rights to an authorized American edition of Ulysses which, had she retained them, could have made her rich: the Random House edition immediately sold 35,000 copies. She also revealed that “Mr Joyce was not satisfied with the contract between us for ULYSSES ‘because neither party was free to act without the consent of the other’. I replied that I supposed it resembled other contracts in that way”.

The single piece of paper devised in 1930 (Ulysses had existed for eight years without a contract) was torn up. She wished Joyce now to “consider himself free from all obligation to me”. The feeling of being badly done by was not new to her. Five years earlier, in a letter never sent which is included as an appendix to The Letters, Beach told Joyce that “as my affection and admiration for you are unlimited, so is the work you pile on my shoulders”. Sustaining not only Joyce but the Joyce family had become “a very terrifying project”. Joyce made her presents of manuscripts, including those of Stephen Hero and Chamber Music, which she stored carefully and later sold. In 1959, her hoard formed the basis of an exhibition, The Twenties, organized by the American embassy in Paris.

Shakespeare and Company staggered on through the 1930s, with ever fewer American and English patrons. To boost funds, readings were organized. Gide led off the programme in 1936; afterwards there was a reading by André Maurois, followed close at hand by Hemingway and Spender . . . . They had just arrived from Spain where Hemingway was doing some articles, and insisted on having a double reading. Spender is a gentle boy with nice manners . . . . Hemingway is, as everyone knows, a Tough Guy, and several times while he was reading one or two of the older un-married ladies almost got up and left, but stayed hoping for worse, which they got.

When the Nazis entered Paris, Beach, who had lately made a visit home to the United States where she underwent a hysterectomy (she was also “knocked out by headaches” all her life), declined to leave rue de l’Odéon a second time. In her memoir, she told the almost too-cinematic story of how a “high-ranking German officer” entered her shop one day and, “speaking perfect English”, asked to buy the single copy of Finnegans Wake (published by Faber and Faber) displayed in the window. Beach told him it was not for sale, and duly removed it.

A fortnight later, the same officer strode into the bookshop. Where was Finnegans Wake? I had put it away. Fairly trembling with rage, he said, “We’re coming to confiscate all your goods today.” “All right.” He drove off.

Within a few hours, she had boxed up the stock, removed the sign and painted over the patron’s name. The Germans did not get Finnegans Wake, but they did get Beach. She spent six months in an internment camp at Vittel, alongside Jewish prisoners who would later be removed to Auschwitz. When she returned to Paris, she thought it prudent to “disappear”, and lived for a time in a student hostel in Boulevard Saint-Michel. In an endearingly vertiginous piece of hero worship, she credited Hemingway with ridding rue de l’Odéon of German snipers: “He got his company out of the jeeps and took them up on the roof”, she wrote in the final paragraph of Shakespeare and Company. “We heard firing for the last time in rue de l’Odéon.”

She lived above the shop until her death in 1962, but Shakespeare and Company never reopened for business. Its spirit would be reincarnated by other shops: first Gaïte Frogé’s English Bookshop on rue de Seine, then George Whitman’s Librairie Mistral, which after Beach’s death became the second Shakespeare and Company. The Letters of Sylvia Beach tells the story, though only partially, of how the smallest of small publishers produced the biggest of big books. “Sylvia Beach would have been more staggered by her own intrepidity”, Richard Ellmann wrote in his biography of Joyce, “if she had not been so busy” with preparations for Ulysses.



Keri Walsh, editor
THE LETTERS OF SYLVIA BEACH
376pp. Columbia University Press. $29.95; distributed in the UK by Wiley. £19.95.
978 0 231 14536 7



James Campbell’s books include Paris Interzone: Richard Wright, Lolita, Boris Vian and others on the Left Bank, first published in 1994. A collection of essays, Syncopations, appeared in 2008.

IMAGINED LIVES FROM PAINTINGS TO LITERATURE

Un esperimento bellissimo. Quando l'arte chiede aiuto alle parole della letteratura...
From The Times

Imagined Lives: Mystery Portraits: who’s that ruff guy?
The National Portrait Gallery asked leading novelists to create stories about some of its subjects whose names are lostTerry Pratchett, Tracy Chevalier, Joanna Trollope

Rosy

Tracy Chevalier

I am still wearing the white brocade doublet Caroline gave me. It has a plain high collar, detachable sleeves, and intricate buttons of twisted silk thread, set close together so that the fit is snug. The doublet makes me think of a coverlet on a vast bed. Perhaps that was the intention.

I first wore it at an elaborate dinner her parents held in our honour. I knew even before I stood up to speak that my cheeks were inflamed. I have always flushed easily — from physical exertion, from wine, from high emotion. As a boy I was teased by my sisters and by schoolboys — but not by George. Only George could call me Rosy. I would not allow anyone else. He managed to make the word tender. He said it described not just my cheeks, but my lips as well, smooth and crimson as rose petals.

When I made the announcement, George did not turn rosy, but went pale as my doublet. He should not have been surprised: it has been a common assumption that I would one day marry his cousin. But it is difficult to hear the words aloud. I know: I could barely utter them.

Caroline bent her head, the pearls in her smooth hair catching the light. Her eyes remained on her small, graceful hands folded in front of her. Her half-smile looked rationed. She has done nothing wrong.

Afterwards I found George on the terrace overlooking the kitchen garden. Despite drinking steadily all afternoon he was still pale. We stood together and watched the maids cut lettuces.

“What do you think of my doublet?” I asked. George always noticed clothes. He glanced at me. “That collar looks to be strangling you.”

“We will still see each other,” I insisted. “We can still hunt, and play cards, and attend court. Nothing need change.” George did not speak.

The Tale of Joshua Easement

Terry Pratchett

Sir Joshua Easement, of Easement Manor, Shrewsbury, was, in his own estimation at least, one of the last of the old Elizabethan seadogs — an ambition that was somewhat thwarted by a total lack of a grasp of the principles of navigation. Documents in the National Maritime Museum reveal that Sir Joshua’s navigational method mainly consisted of bumping into things, and this was exacerbated by his absolute blindness to the difference between port and starboard. It was a joke among those seafarers who were lucky enough to have sailed with him and survived that this was because he had never drunk starboard, but had drunk practically everything else.

Such of his papers that survive give a tantalising hint that in failing to discover the Americas, he may nevertheless have discovered practically everywhere else. What can we make of the hint of a land of giant jumping rats, found in the southern oceans, but, owing to Sir Joshua’s recordkeeping, lost the following day?

Nevertheless, quite late in the reign of Elizabeth I, he succeeded not only in finding the Americas but also in finding England again. He then, with much ceremony, presented to Good Queen Bess a marvellous and intriguing animal from that far-off country whose black-and-white fur he deemed very attractive and fit for a queen.

It was at this point that the court really understood that in addition to only a nodding acquaintance with the concept of direction, Sir Joshua had no sense of smell whatsoever. This led to the queen, despite her growing infirmities, going on progress again at quite a high speed. When frantic courtiers asked about the destination she said: “Anywhere away from that bloodyee man.”

Nevertheless, even as relays of servants were scrubbing the palace floors and the female skunk was giving birth in the cellars, the Queen gave Sir Joshua the office of Captain of the Gongfermours or, in other words, in charge of the latrines, a post for which he was clearly well suited. Oblivious to the sniggers of the other courtiers, he took this position extremely seriously and even adopted on his coat of arms the motto Quod Init Exire Oportet (What Goes in Must Come Out). John Dee said of him: “He is a man born under the wrong stars, and has never learnt which ones they are.”

Dogged to the end, and oblivious to the noxious gasses that only he could not smell, he spent the last years of his life in the following century trying to find a way to harness their igniferous nature, achieving an overwhelming success which led to his hat being found in Kingswinford and his head being found in a bear pit in Dudley.

A Hand on my Shoulder

Tracy Chevalier

I am not sure why I agreed to let William draw me. I certainly did not want a painting of me, not now. “A drawing, then,” he said. “That is all. One I can keep in my studio as a model for a dignified lady.”

Of course William was good friends with my husband, and has been so kind to me since his death, and my son’s. But I could have put him off longer, said I was too full of grief, and too weak from my own illness. Perhaps I simply wanted the companionship of a man again, to sit with him and talk to him while he drew.

He let me see the drawing today. Though he has done his best, William is too honest. He did not hide how thin I look, the flesh melted from my cheeks, my brow so bony. And something has happened to my eyes. The fever has made them lighter, if that is possible. I cannot seem to hide my thoughts — sadness and fear brim in my eyes like tears. The hand of Death has been heavy on my shoulder, and left its mark. I still feel its weight, though it is now only a ghost — a ghost waiting to return one day.

To distract others from my ravaged looks I have worn my widest collar and the topaz necklace Henry gave me after Harry’s birth. “Good girl,” he’d whispered as he hung it around my neck. “Well done.” Now he and Harry are gone, leaving my daughter and me alone — a household of women in a world of men, waiting to see what will happen to us.

Yesterday, Henry’s brother appeared, narrowing his eyes at William and insisting that my daughter and I were expected at his home for dinner. He fears any man who comes close to me, thinking they are sniffing my late husband’s estate. He would not have me marry again if it means his family is to lose Henry’s wealth to another. Better instead to march us across the cold fields, to dine with him and his wife in a draughty hall before an indifferent fire.

His little plan has had its effect. Already I feel a familiar pain behind my eyes and a hand scratching in my throat. It is just as well William has almost finished the drawing, for Death is impatient to visit again.

At least my daughter is healthy.

From the Diary of Paxton Whitfield

Joanna Trollope

This day was my likeness completed. I am at last well satisfied. I had much argument with the painter, who would not have me stand with my left hand towards my breast, saying that such a gesture was reserved for artists alone, when portraying themselves. But I held my ground in the matter. Indeed, I am known for holding my ground.

I am painted in my new black damask. It was exceeding costly, having to be thrice dyed to gain the depth of blackness that would satisfy me. I have also a falling collar in fine linen, but no other adornment, no sword belt, no seal upon my finger. I wish to stand as myself, for myself. I have no need of symbols.

Perhaps I am a little taken aback in the matter of my nose. My mouth is as I would wish, firm and well shaped, and my brow displays the breadth of a man of education and culture, such as I am. But my nose has about it a shine and a hint of colour which would indicate a propensity to being fuddled. I am, in truth, seldom fuddled, and never without severe provocation. I remonstrated with the painter, but he did merely say, over and over, that he painted what he saw with all the fidelity his skill could bring to bear. He told me that I had prevailed in the matter of my left hand, and that I should be content with my nose. I fear it must be so, for fear of incurring even greater expense.

I shall hang the painting in my library. I know the exact spot, upon the wall directly opposite the door, where it will immediately strike all those who enter. In her shrewish way, my wife has suggested that I might like to place a small table beneath, for candles and offerings, but I feigned not to hear her. She liked my looks well enough when we were wed, but custom has staled her admiration. And her courtesy.

I say again, I am on the whole well satisfied. It is something indeed for a man to possess his own likeness. When I look upon it, I have the sensation that indeed I have my place upon the Earth, and that place is manifest for all to see. It would be a joyous thing were my wife to be of like mind, but she prefers to make sport of everything that signifies to me. Including, it grieves me to say, this likeness.

The National Portrait Gallery’s Imagined Lives: Mystery Portraits 1520-1640 opens tomorrow at Montacute House, Somerset. The book of stories is available, priced £6.99, at www.npg.org.uk/shop

More mystery sitters

La maja desnuda y la maja vestida, Francisco Goya

Prado, Madrid

The two paintings in this scandalous pair are identical, except that in one the maja is completely bare, save a small tuft of pubic hair. Thought to be the first inclusion of such hair in Western painting, this obscenity led to Goya being summoned in front of the Spanish Inquisition. However, if he revealed the identity of the sitter it has not since resurfaced. Guesses range from the 13th Duchess of Alba, to the mistress of the then Spanish Prime Minister.

Portrait of a Lady, Dosso Dossi

National Gallery of Victoria

Since 1965, the National Gallery of Victoria has owned this mysterious Renaissance portrait of a beautiful young woman with a pointy nose and unforgiving eyes. In 2008 they made the happy discovery that she is in fact the infamous Lucrezia Borgia, though not all members of the art world were as willing as the Australian gallery owners to believe this grand claim.

Tank Man, Jeff Widener

The subject of this iconic photo committed the unimaginably brave act of stopping an entire column of Chinese Type 59 tanks in the middle of Tiananmen Squared. However, the Tank Man has never been able public receive international adulation as a symbol of freedom, as he disappeared into the crowd immediately following the incident and is believed to have been arrested, tried and possibly executed by the Chinese authorities.

Mona Lisa, Leonardo Da Vinci

Louvre, Paris

For such a famously enigmatic painting, it would not be right for the identity of the sitter to go completely undisputed. Although the common consensus is that the subject is Lisa del Giocondo, a member of the Renaissance Gherardini family and wife of a cloth merchant, there is no conclusive evidence. Da Vinci’s mother, Isabella of Naples, Costanza d’Acalos (known as “the merry one”) and da Vinci himself have all been declared the true sitter.

The Girl with a Pearl Earring, Johannes Vermeer Mauritshuis, The Hague

Known as the Mona Lisa of the north, Vermeer’s masterwork has long confounded viewers. The intimate gaze, the enormous earring and the mysterious turban all lend to the painting’s ambiguity. In 1999, Tracy Chevalier’s eponymous novel, inspired by the painting, gave a twist to the tale, introducing a fictional servant, Griet, into Vermeer’s household along with a convenient undercurrent of sexual tension between her and the painter, picking up on the girl’s somewhat come-hither expression.

Rob Peal